The long-withheld JFK assassination records are on pace to be public records tomorrow, thanks to President Trump.
The CIA is fighting the release, claiming it would give up CIA techniques.
The CIA shouldn’t be involved in domestic crimes unless foreign agents are involved.
More than a few speculate the CIA had a hand in JFK’s assassination. Bush 41, who was the CIA chief, covered for his agency by kicking the can on the JFK assassination down the road. Clinton, Bush 43, and Obama made no attempt to release these records. Props to Donald Trump for deciding to release the records.
Trump’s toughness has caused the FBI, the CIA, and the National Security Agency (NSA) to stand exposed as being riddled with criminals and conspirators in their top echelons.
The release of the JFK records might help protect President Trump’s life. The Secret Service’s historical failure to protect JFK, coupled with their failure in dealing with an attack on President Trump yesterday, might well force needed changes to protect the president’s life and the interests of we the people who voted for him to lead the nation and carry out our will. Recall the first person to cover JFK when he was shot from the front and from the back was Jackie Kennedy. The self-styled badasses of the Secret Service were slow in reaching the fallen president. When they tried to prevent Jackie, spattered with her husband’s blood and brain tissue, from seeing him in the hospital in Dallas, she bitterly retorted she was as competent as the Secret Service agents were. Actually she was better.
The Secret Service pukes choked (or worse, deliberately failed to act) when a leftist provocateur threw Russian flags at President Trump when he paid a visit to Capitol Hill yesterday. There are projectile-shooting weapons that are not metal; an assassin can get by metal detectors. The Secret Service Barneys were a day late and a dollar short again. Was this a test run to figure out how weak the Secret Service and other government security agents are? Or worse, are the Secret Service people riddled with those who wish Donald Trump harm and will deliberately fail to protect him? President Trump hopefully will make changes to better his protection.
Leftist throws Russian flags at Trump — credit NBC 10/24/2017
On the federal level, the Freedom of Information Act (5 U.S.C. 552 in the federal law books) regulates what federal records are public. You can see this on the Web to get more detailed info about this federal government’s basic public records law.
The states have similar records disclosure laws to the federal government. The states of the Northeast and California are the most dismissive of the public’s rights. Not so coincidentally they are the most corrupt of the states if you don’t count Illinois. Most other states have good open records laws and practices.
The federal Freedom of Information Act and similar state statutes allow you the citizen to get copies of government records that are releaseable if they exist in a readily retrievable fashion. These laws apply to people the government has checked on if info the agency has about them is releaseable under the freedom of information act (federal or state) that applies to their agencies.
Phone records exist on government-owned phones. Creative FOIA diggers could request a list of phone calls a public official made. Prosecutors grab these phone records from time to time. Media people file for these phone records from time to time. You could have FOIA people search for phone calls made to and from the phone numbers of officials you want to check on.
The same applies to government e-mail accounts. You could find out who government agents and officials have e-mailed or gotten e-mails from. IRS harpy Lois Lerner had to resign because disclosures of her e-mails indicate she was abusing her power as a tax official to target groups who opposed the Obama administration.
This is why Hillary Clinton used a private e-mail server – to hide her official e-mail communications from public view.
If you can frame a freedom of information request in a way that will cross-reference records a government agency keeps, odds are they will do business with you if the info is releaseable under the public records laws. The best way to proceed on this is to ask the freedom of information employee what types of records her or his agency keeps, and what they call their various reports and other records. Work with them to define what you want in a way that they can do the research on your target for you without charging you a great deal of money in search time, and so they will not refuse the request on grounds they don’t keep such info organized in the way you demand receiving it.
Sometimes the feds wrongfully deny you records. Or they’ll want to heavily redact them
I ran into such a problem in doing a major research project in the 1990s.
I run a technical publishing firm and a research firm. Much of our work is in engineering and the sciences. Some of our work is also in public records research. A couple of citizen groups, after hearing about my firm, approached me in 1990 and asked me to have researched the numbers of women and girls who have died from legal abortion. We took on the project.
I’m not a medical doctor, but I am a reasonably knowledgeable professional. My schooling is in engineering and chemistry, and I have done work in forensic science and toxicology. I have assisted at autopsies, and I have performed toxicological tests on body tissues and fluids to aid in determining causes of death. I have helped embalm the dead. As a technical publisher and consultant, I do forensic engineering from time to time to determine machinery failures. I have done investigations as an Army investigator and as an investigative reporter. So the project was something I am capable of doing professionally.
Over several months, we accumulated a large number of state health department reports, malpractice cases, newspaper clippings, autopsies, and other documents that proved many women and girls had died after undergoing legal abortions.
In late 1990 I contacted the CDC with a Freedom of Information request for what they had on abortion deaths and abortion complications. The CDC — Centers for Disease Control — is an Atlanta-based federal agency which is part of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. One of their jobs is to track abortion-related deaths, abortion-related injuries, and other complications related to abortion on demand. These people are regarded as the experts when it comes to knowing about women who died or got hurt or got sick from abortion.
CDC staffers told me they had 11,000 pages of records on abortion deaths and abortion complications, and wanted to bill me $1100 to copy them all. I agreed to pay the bill.
CDC staffers contacted me again. They told me they would not copy these records for me unless I paid them more than $13,000 so they could black out the names of abortion providers, abortion facilities, and their victims in my photocopies of the 11,000 pages of documents they said they had on the subject of abortion complications. This meant I couldn’t compare any of their information against what I had to see if there was any duplication.
I didn’t want to pay CDC’s staffers the cost of a new car in 1990 money so they could perform a hysterectomy on their data and give it to me neutered. So I turned them down.
Meanwhile, another group asked us to perform some maternal mortality research for them. So I decided to combine the projects and ask for the help of another federal agency.
EMT Ambulance at Planned Parenthood facility — an all too common sight.
Is this the abortion mill’s back alley entrance?
This agency, the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), is another arm of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. These people, among other things, keep track of all people whose deaths are reported by state vital statistics officials. They maintain this information on a data base called the National Death Index.
In 1991 I approached the NCHS people with an information request on maternal mortality and female organ disease mortality for the decade of the 1980s. I asked the NCHS agents to run a computer search in the National Death Index on all girls and women ages 10 to 45 who died from 1980 through 1989 from any cause related to maternal condition or other female reproductive organ problem.
NCHS agents sought and obtained the co-operation of public health officials in 47 states and the District of Columbia so they could perform the data search for me. After getting the okays from the state officials to share their data with me, the NCHS agents performed the search in 1993 and presented me with files titled “Mortality Multiple Causes of Death Record.” This data contained all of the recorded causes of death of all of the girls and women ages 10 through 45 who died from 1980 through 1989 from any cause related to maternal condition or other female reproductive organ problem.
Officials in Arkansas, Oklahoma, and Washington refused to co-operate with my study.
For the abortion study, I then had performed on these files a computer search for women’s and girls’ deaths due to induced abortion, ectopic and molar pregnancy, and miscarriage. I then filed for the death certificates of all women and girls whom the NCHS data base revealed had died from induced abortion, ectopic and molar pregnancy, or miscarriage. I also filed for the death certificates of some women and girls whom these data bases revealed had died from female organ disorders.
(For the combined studies, public health officials in New York City allowed me access to death certificate numbers and death certificate information, but no access to city’s death certificates themselves.)
Meanwhile, we kept accumulating state health department reports, malpractice cases, newspaper clippings, autopsies, and other documents that proved many women and girls had died after undergoing legal abortions.
In 1996, we contacted the CDC again for records under the Freedom of Information Act. The shakedown artists of the CDC now wanted $24,000 for 16,600 pages of censored documents on abortion-related deaths and injuries.
They could have copied the 16,600 pages of documents they had on women’s abortion-related injuries and deaths for about $1660 (10 cents a page). This is a reasonable enough cost for the work in 1996 money.
But they also wanted another $750 from me for the 30 or so hours they said it would take to find these documents. That’s not too terrible a price, until you realize half of that cost comes from the CDC wanting me to pay $46 an hour in 1996 money for having some high-level CDC mucky-muck make like a file clerk for a day.
But the real galler was that CDC’s people wanted me to pay their bureaucrats $26 an hour in 1996 money for five man-months of workday time (845 hours) to remove the abortion provider and abortion victim identifiers from my photocopies.
This works out to $22,000 for CDC censorship out of a total CDC demand for more than $24,000. My comment? The CDC should change their emblem to the Jolly Roger!
In late 1996, CDC staffers finally sent me a report titled “Abortion Deaths Known to the Division of Reproductive Health.” The report listed women who died from abortions by CDC case number, year of death, age group, race/ethnic group, from 1972 through 1990. They had refused to release even this little to me in all my earlier requests for information.
Unfortunately, the CDC agents left off the victims’ names, dates of death, and places of death … items that are considered minimum data in a scientific inquiry or a negligent homicide inquest.
I decided to compare the abortion victims we found to the abortion victims CDC listed to see if there were any victims who I was unaware of. I found quite a few women and girls in the CDC list whose races and ages didn’t match those of women whose deaths I knew of. This means there were victims I was unaware of.
Combining our data with the data the CDC released, I was able to determine as many as 80% more women and girls died from abortion as the CDC was willing to admit.
I published CDC’s results, and ours … and the CDC’s poor job of abortion mortality reporting pretty much spoke for itself. Congressman Jay Dickey, (R-Arkansas) referred to my study in February 1997 when he was grilling the Surgeon General during a House hearing. (That is a public record too, courtesy of the Congressional Record.) He demanded to know why CDC’s figures were so low.
What affected Congressman Dickey and many who read my study was how I treated the victims. I treated the women and girls who were victims of legal abortion according to their dignity as human beings … not as lab specimens, like the CDC seemingly does. I also listed some facts concerning these girls’ and women’s lives so people would realize these victims were real people who had lives and lost them due to abortion providers committing negligent homicide, not as some nameless lab animals in the hands of some bloodless researcher or uncaring bureaucrat.
I don’t think we did a great job on discovering the deaths of women and girls from legal abortion. I just think we did a better job than the CDC, whose people get a ton of taxpayers’ money. In exchange, they are supposed to report abortion deaths accurately, but don’t.
A 1987 memo put out by New York City Commissioner of Health Stephen C. Joseph makes my point better than I can. In warning New York City’s abortion providers to do a better job in administering anesthesia to girls and women so fewer of them would die from anesthesia complications, he noted 10 women and girls died in New York City from general anesthesia complications for abortions from 1981 through 1984. He also noted the rest of the country reported 12 girls and women died during these four years due to general anesthesia complications for abortions.
Joseph’s real bombshell was saying that the deaths of 30 women and girls in New York City from 1981 through 1984 were related to legal abortion … and the rest of the country lost 146 women and girls to legal abortion during these same four years — for a total of 176 maternal abortion victims for this four-year period. This is four times the 42 women and girls that CDC officials counted publicly during that four-year period as victims of “choice.” (I counted 61 to 69 females who abortion providers killed in the same four years. So I was way low too, but better than the CDC.)
Joseph wasn’t attacking abortion providers in the memo. On the contrary, his tone was like a Dutch uncle: “Be careful out there.” Combine this tone with Joseph’s witness as a public health official, and his access to information not available to the public, and you come up with a player who should have more general credibility than any study by abortion opponents, any book-cooking by abortion supporters, or any figure doctoring by the CDC. So I decided to pay Dr. Joseph a courtesy call and check on his work.
Dr. Joseph’s aide took my call and asked for the memo and a list of questions. I faxed these to the aide. The aide said Dr. Joseph didn’t want to comment.
Dr. Joseph wasn’t working for New York anymore. He had gotten a new gig by 1996 – he was Assistant Secretary of Defense for Health Affairs, serving under the Clintons. He didn’t want the headache of telling me the truth, and then it going into print. People who cross the Clintons generally get dragged thru the media, hauled into court, or wheeled into a morgue.
In terms of conventional credibility with the American media and scientific journal publishers, the CDC’s work has been the standard as far as abortion mortality is concerned. After all, whenever they have to report on a woman’s abortion-related death, the CDC is who they call for stats on how safe abortion supposedly is.
But the CDC shouldn’t be the standard for a very basic scientific reason. The way they publish their work on abortion mortality makes it virtually unrepeatable and unverifiable.
The CDC’s people did not list the age, city or county or state where death occurred, or date of death of any abortion victims in their studies on national comprehensive abortion mortality which I have seen. Nor did they list sources for each abortion victim’s death. These CDC abortion mortality studies are like a term paper without footnotes or a lab report without lab notes.
The CDC’s people would not release uncensored public record source documents to me (or at least list them so I could obtain them myself) so I could repeat and verify their work. Their abortion mortality studies might as well be historical fiction.
From our results, I’ll state the obvious … abortion on demand is much more dangerous to the girls and women who undergo abortions than what the feds will admit.
Each of the women and girls I mentioned in my work was loved by someone. They were wives, or mothers, or sisters, or daughters, or sweethearts of people who cared about them … and who grieved bitterly when they died. These victims of legal abortion, even in death, deserve to have the truth about who and what killed them known.
Most of the info I got came from sources you the average citizen could access. I got malpractice cases and criminal negligent homicide cases from courthouses across the country. I got newspaper articles from newspapers across the country. I pulled records from some health departments, who also had info on abortion provider misconduct and patient deaths they caused. Many autopsy reports I got through public record requests. Other autopsy reports I got because coroners and their people considered me a professional enough researcher. (This is perhaps unfair, but that’s how some coroners handle info requests in states where autopsy reports are not automatically public records. Professional courtesy.)
Ironically, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services gave me two different answers. The CDC’s people essentially stonewalled me. The NCHS’ people made me go through some hoops, but in the end got me what I needed from almost every state in the Union.
Even though the CDC tried to thwart my work, I clowned them. The abortion racket is a big dirty racket whose practitioners have committed enough wrongdoing to put them under the scrutiny of health departments, malpractice lawyers, prosecutors, and coroners. I was able to find many sources of information not subject to CDC control.
The feds’ coverup problem has grown worse because many government agencies in recent years have farmed out their freedom of information response duties to private contractors. The contractors want to minimize their work to maximize their profits. They also want to ingratiate themselves to government clients. So all too often these pukes wrongfully deny people info they should be entitled to by right.
If you distrust the agency, call a politician who is a critic of the agency and ask his or her best staffers how you would get info from that agency.
Sunlight is the best natural disinfectant. The Freedom of Information Act and its parallel laws in the states are meant to protect you from the germs in the government. Use these laws as needed to shine a little light on these germs and dry them up.
SHERLOCK JUSTICE
WE CAN SHOW YOU HOW TO BE YOUR OWN DETECTIVE.
END NOTES
CNN article 10/24/2017
Washington Post article 10/21/2017
